Al igual que hacía recientemente el Presidente de la Comisión de Peticiones del Senado, la responsable del Departamento de Registro del Congreso de los Diputados, acusa recibo de la reciente petición dirigida por esta Asociación a dicha Cámara, en materia de derecho de acceso a la función pública, y comunica que dicho escrito ha sido trasladado a la Comisión de Peticiones para su oportuno estudio y tramitación.
Con su petición, esta Asociación quiere dejar clara la firmeza de la sociedad civil en la demanda de respeto y protección a los derechos fundamentales de los ciudadanos, entre los cuales figura el derecho de acceso a la función pública en condiciones de igualdad, derecho que ha venido siendo desconocido y vulnerado por la práctica totalidad de las Administraciones Públicas y que ha dado lugar a elevadas tasas de interinidad en su seno, impidiendo que las plazas sean cubiertas en la forma que exigen las normas constitucionales, conforme a principios de mérito y capacidad y en las condiciones de inamovilidad que establece el Estatuto Básico del Empleado Público para garantizar el deber de imparcialidad que corresponde a los servidores públicos.
La constatada resistencia por parte de las Administraciones a respetar, como es debido, el derecho de acceso a la función pública, utilizando para ello los argumentos más variados posibles –admitidos generalmente por los Tribunales del orden contencioso-administrativo- ha recibido un importantísimo toque de atención por parte del Tribunal Supremo, cuyos razonamientos en la reciente sentencia que anula la Oferta de Empleo Público de 2007 aprobada por el Gobierno de Aragón, invalidan la invocación a criterios de autoorganización o de índole presupuestaria cuya única finalidad sea la inaplicación de la Ley.
Es evidente que una única sentencia del Tribunal Supremo no va a ser suficiente para modificar una práctica arraigada de arbitrariedad administrativa en materia de acceso al empleo público, pero constituye un pronunciamiento de enorme valor, a partir del cual cabe reclamar del conjunto de las instituciones públicas –entre ellas, las Cortes Generales- un compromiso activo en la defensa de la función pública y del modelo de Administración que establece nuestra Constitución, modelo que pasa por la vigencia del derecho fundamental de acceso a la función pública, garantía básica de la profesionalidad y eficacia de nuestras administraciones públicas y elemento distintivo de todo Estado de Derecho reconocible.
Like the battle of Waterloo, the battle for Scotland was a damn close-run thing. The effects of Thursday’s no vote are enormous – though not as massive as the consequences of a yes would have been.
The vote against independence means, above all, that the 307-year Union survives. It therefore means that the UK remains a G7 economic power and a member of the UN security council. It means Scotland will get more devolution. It means David Cameron will not be forced out. It means any Ed Miliband-led government elected next May has the chance to serve a full term, not find itself without a majority in 2016, when the Scots would have left. It means the pollsters got it right, Madrid will sleep a little more easily, and it means the banks will open on Friday morning as usual.
But the battlefield is still full of resonant lessons. The win, though close, was decisive. It looks like a 54%-46% or thereabouts. That’s not as good as it looked like being a couple of months ago. But it’s a lot more decisive than the recent polls had hinted. Second, it was women who saved the union. In the polls, men were decisively in favour of yes. The yes campaign was in some sense a guy thing. Men wanted to make a break with the Scotland they inhabit. Women didn’t. Third, this was to a significant degree a class vote too. Richer Scotland stuck with the union — so no did very well in a lot of traditonal SNP areas. Poorer Scotland, Labour Scotland, slipped towards yes, handing Glasgow, Dundee and North Lanarkshire to the independence camp. Gordon Brown stopped the slippage from becoming a rout, perhaps, but the questions for Labour — and for left politics more broadly — are profound.
For Scots, the no vote means relief for some, despair for others, both on the grand scale. For those who dreamed that a yes vote would take Scots on a journey to a land of milk, oil and honey, the mood this morning will be grim. Something that thousands of Scots wanted to be wonderful or merely just to witness has disappeared. The anticlimax will be cruel and crushing. For others, the majority, there will be thankfulness above all but uneasiness too. Thursday’s vote exposed a Scotland divided down the middle and against itself. Healing that hurt will not be easy or quick. It’s time to put away all flags.
The immediate political question now suddenly moves to London. Gordon Brown promised last week that work will start on Friday on drawing up the terms of a new devolution settlement. That may be a promise too far after the red-eyed adrenalin-pumping exhaustion of the past few days. But the deal needs to be on the table by the end of next month. It will not be easy to reconcile all the interests – Scots, English, Welsh, Northern Irish and local. But it is an epochal opportunity. The plan, like the banks, is too big to fail.
Alex Salmond and the SNP are not going anywhere. They will still govern Scotland until 2016. There will be speculation about Salmond’s position, and the SNP will need to decide whether to run in 2016 on a second referendum pledge. More immediately, the SNP will have to decide whether to go all-out win to more Westminster seats in the 2015 general election, in order to hold the next government’s feet to the fire over the promised devo-max settlement. Independence campaigners will feel gutted this morning. But they came within a whisker of ending the United Kingdom on Thursday. One day, perhaps soon, they will surely be back.
(Artículo de Martin Kettle, publicado en "The Guardian" el 19 de septiembre de 2014)
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