La Asociación se ha dirigido por carta a los portavoces de los grupos parlamentarios de las Cortes de Aragón, para expresarles nuestra voluntad de contribuir al mejor funcionamiento de la Administración aragonesa, propiciando todas aquellas iniciativas que tiendan a reforzar los principios de legalidad, eficacia y servicio al ciudadano en el conjunto de los servicios públicos que se prestan a la sociedad aragonesa.
Se les ha indicado además que con motivo de la celebración de las elecciones sindicales en la Diputación General de Aragón, que tendrán lugar el próximo 28 de marzo, se han redactado y enviado a los diferentes sindicatos que concurren a las mismas una serie de propuestas que puedan incorporar a sus programas o a su actividad sindical futura, en los ámbitos de representación o mesas de negociación a los que se incorporen como consecuencia de los resultados obtenidos en dichas elecciones.
Y se les ha enviado un ejemplar del documento de propuestas , para conocimiento del Portavoz y de los Diputados adscritos al Grupo Parlamentario, informándoles de nuestra disposición para recibir todas las observaciones que sobre el mismo se nos quieran hacer llegar.
Like the battle of Waterloo, the battle for Scotland was a damn close-run thing. The effects of Thursday’s no vote are enormous – though not as massive as the consequences of a yes would have been.
The vote against independence means, above all, that the 307-year Union survives. It therefore means that the UK remains a G7 economic power and a member of the UN security council. It means Scotland will get more devolution. It means David Cameron will not be forced out. It means any Ed Miliband-led government elected next May has the chance to serve a full term, not find itself without a majority in 2016, when the Scots would have left. It means the pollsters got it right, Madrid will sleep a little more easily, and it means the banks will open on Friday morning as usual.
But the battlefield is still full of resonant lessons. The win, though close, was decisive. It looks like a 54%-46% or thereabouts. That’s not as good as it looked like being a couple of months ago. But it’s a lot more decisive than the recent polls had hinted. Second, it was women who saved the union. In the polls, men were decisively in favour of yes. The yes campaign was in some sense a guy thing. Men wanted to make a break with the Scotland they inhabit. Women didn’t. Third, this was to a significant degree a class vote too. Richer Scotland stuck with the union — so no did very well in a lot of traditonal SNP areas. Poorer Scotland, Labour Scotland, slipped towards yes, handing Glasgow, Dundee and North Lanarkshire to the independence camp. Gordon Brown stopped the slippage from becoming a rout, perhaps, but the questions for Labour — and for left politics more broadly — are profound.
For Scots, the no vote means relief for some, despair for others, both on the grand scale. For those who dreamed that a yes vote would take Scots on a journey to a land of milk, oil and honey, the mood this morning will be grim. Something that thousands of Scots wanted to be wonderful or merely just to witness has disappeared. The anticlimax will be cruel and crushing. For others, the majority, there will be thankfulness above all but uneasiness too. Thursday’s vote exposed a Scotland divided down the middle and against itself. Healing that hurt will not be easy or quick. It’s time to put away all flags.
The immediate political question now suddenly moves to London. Gordon Brown promised last week that work will start on Friday on drawing up the terms of a new devolution settlement. That may be a promise too far after the red-eyed adrenalin-pumping exhaustion of the past few days. But the deal needs to be on the table by the end of next month. It will not be easy to reconcile all the interests – Scots, English, Welsh, Northern Irish and local. But it is an epochal opportunity. The plan, like the banks, is too big to fail.
Alex Salmond and the SNP are not going anywhere. They will still govern Scotland until 2016. There will be speculation about Salmond’s position, and the SNP will need to decide whether to run in 2016 on a second referendum pledge. More immediately, the SNP will have to decide whether to go all-out win to more Westminster seats in the 2015 general election, in order to hold the next government’s feet to the fire over the promised devo-max settlement. Independence campaigners will feel gutted this morning. But they came within a whisker of ending the United Kingdom on Thursday. One day, perhaps soon, they will surely be back.
(Artículo de Martin Kettle, publicado en "The Guardian" el 19 de septiembre de 2014)
6 comentarios:
buena iniciativa
Imagino que, si lo leen, les dará qué pensar el tema de que las subidas retributivas acordadas por el gobierno de aragón sean pactadas tras la aprobación de la ley de presupuestos y no antes, lo que contraviene claramente el orden natural de las cosas y desapodera a las cortes de aragón de su potestad presupuestaria. ¡cómo se está alejando la realidad de los principios democráticos que se enseñan en las Facultades de Derecho y que todos hemos tenido que estudiar al preparar nuestras oposiciones!¡cómo cuesta presenciar su diaria vulneración, sin que haya reacciones por parte de nuestras instituciones y, a veces, ni de los propios ciudadanos!
¿Se ha dirigido algún grupo parlamentario a la Asociación, aunque sea para acusar recibo protocolario del documento recibido?
No, y es que deben tener otras precoupaciones más apremiantes.
Lo que demuestran, también, es el escaso hábito de receptividad a los escritos procedentes de la sociedad civil, porque como decía Tocqueville, "el funcionario se incorpora a la sociedad civil en cuanto abandona su oficina". Ni siquiera son capaces de agradecer el documento remitido. Parece que el foso que rodea al Parlamento no es sólo físico.
Desde luego, también es cultural. Se hablan lenguajes diferentes.
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