Zaragoza, 27 de diciembre de 2007.
La Mesa de las Cortes de Aragón, en su sesión del pasado 14 de diciembre de 2007, acordó acusar recibo y archivar la petición formulada por la Asociación, al amparo del artículo 62 de las Cortes de Aragón, relativa a la aprobación de una ley que regule los conflictos de intereses de los miembros del Gobierno de Aragón y de los Altos Cargos de la Administración de la Comunidad Autónoma de Aragón.
Se trata del tercer acuerdo adoptado en tal sentido por la Mesa de las Cortes respecto a peticiones formuladas por la Asociación, sin que en ningún caso se haya dado traslado de las mismas a la Comisión de Peticiones y Derechos Humanos, como se establece en el artículo 62 del Reglamento de las Cortes de Aragón.
Así lo comunica a la Asociación la Letrada Mayor del Parlamento autonómico.
Like the battle of Waterloo, the battle for Scotland was a damn close-run thing. The effects of Thursday’s no vote are enormous – though not as massive as the consequences of a yes would have been.
The vote against independence means, above all, that the 307-year Union survives. It therefore means that the UK remains a G7 economic power and a member of the UN security council. It means Scotland will get more devolution. It means David Cameron will not be forced out. It means any Ed Miliband-led government elected next May has the chance to serve a full term, not find itself without a majority in 2016, when the Scots would have left. It means the pollsters got it right, Madrid will sleep a little more easily, and it means the banks will open on Friday morning as usual.
But the battlefield is still full of resonant lessons. The win, though close, was decisive. It looks like a 54%-46% or thereabouts. That’s not as good as it looked like being a couple of months ago. But it’s a lot more decisive than the recent polls had hinted. Second, it was women who saved the union. In the polls, men were decisively in favour of yes. The yes campaign was in some sense a guy thing. Men wanted to make a break with the Scotland they inhabit. Women didn’t. Third, this was to a significant degree a class vote too. Richer Scotland stuck with the union — so no did very well in a lot of traditonal SNP areas. Poorer Scotland, Labour Scotland, slipped towards yes, handing Glasgow, Dundee and North Lanarkshire to the independence camp. Gordon Brown stopped the slippage from becoming a rout, perhaps, but the questions for Labour — and for left politics more broadly — are profound.
For Scots, the no vote means relief for some, despair for others, both on the grand scale. For those who dreamed that a yes vote would take Scots on a journey to a land of milk, oil and honey, the mood this morning will be grim. Something that thousands of Scots wanted to be wonderful or merely just to witness has disappeared. The anticlimax will be cruel and crushing. For others, the majority, there will be thankfulness above all but uneasiness too. Thursday’s vote exposed a Scotland divided down the middle and against itself. Healing that hurt will not be easy or quick. It’s time to put away all flags.
The immediate political question now suddenly moves to London. Gordon Brown promised last week that work will start on Friday on drawing up the terms of a new devolution settlement. That may be a promise too far after the red-eyed adrenalin-pumping exhaustion of the past few days. But the deal needs to be on the table by the end of next month. It will not be easy to reconcile all the interests – Scots, English, Welsh, Northern Irish and local. But it is an epochal opportunity. The plan, like the banks, is too big to fail.
Alex Salmond and the SNP are not going anywhere. They will still govern Scotland until 2016. There will be speculation about Salmond’s position, and the SNP will need to decide whether to run in 2016 on a second referendum pledge. More immediately, the SNP will have to decide whether to go all-out win to more Westminster seats in the 2015 general election, in order to hold the next government’s feet to the fire over the promised devo-max settlement. Independence campaigners will feel gutted this morning. But they came within a whisker of ending the United Kingdom on Thursday. One day, perhaps soon, they will surely be back.
(Artículo de Martin Kettle, publicado en "The Guardian" el 19 de septiembre de 2014)
1 comentario:
Considero que este tipo de decisiones, claramente cercenadoras del derecho de petición que reconoce el propio Reglamento de las Cortes de Aragón, deberían ponerse en conocimiento del Justicia de Aragón, en la medida en que pueda constituir un incumplimiento del ordenamiento jurídico aragonés, pues dicha labora no queda circunscrita a las decisiones del _Gobierno de Aragón sino que pueden abarcar también a las propias Cortes de Aragón, a la hora de aplicar los derechos de los ciudadanos regulados en el Reglamento de la propia Cámara. Cosa distinta es el caso del Defensor del Pueblo, cuyas atribuciones se reducen a la supervisión de las autoridades y agentes de la Administración Públicas, sin que pueda extender su labor a un Parlamento autonómico, si bien yo os animaría a sugerirle la posibilidad de que promueva un recurso de amparo en defensa del derecho de petición reconocido en el artículo 29 de la Constitución española. Os animo a revitalizar el derecho de petición como mecanismo de participación política directa de los ciudadanos.
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